At this point I’ve pretty much given up hope on most major political parties, whether they be American or Canadian. Yet it should be noted that some are clearly much worse than others. The Republican Party in the United States has become a rolling shitshow of religious fundamentalism, anti-democratic actions, conspiracy fantasies, and cults of personality. Whatever sense of honor, duty, or normality that resided in the party decades ago was finally erased with the presidency of Donald Trump. In Canadian politics, the People’s Party of Canada (PPC) doesn’t have nearly the same influence or power as the Republicans in the United States. Yet they seek to feed and stir the same ‘Trumpian’ populist anger based in the worst aspects of human nature. The PPC specializes in xenophobic politics and exploiting tribal impulses wherever they can find them.
But even if we remove these two parties from consideration, the major political party landscape for the average American or Canadian still looks uncertain at best. The choice for the average voter is increasingly an oligarchic popularity contest rather than choosing a fellow citizen to represent their interests. Over the past 40 years in democratic, capitalist countries like America and Canada, there has been significant economic separation within the populace. The elite ‘ruling class’ now consists of mostly highly educated individuals who move through professions in politics, government, academia, high finance, private industry, media, and entertainment. Many move through revolving doors (with muddled interests), between serving ‘the people’ in government, and corporate jobs bringing personal enrichment. Think Peter Orszag becoming director of the Office of Management and Budget for former US President Barack Obama in 2008, only to join the financial behemoth Citigroup in 2011. Or Jay Carney, who went from Time Magazine reporter, to Obama White House Press Secretary, then CNN commentator, and finally to Amazon corporate honcho.
Even if we discount the riches the political ruling class makes by transitioning to jobs in private industry, their government income still illustrates their separation from the average citizen. As of 2022 the starting salary for a member of the US Congress was $174,000. According to the US Bureau of Labor Statistics, as of the third quarter of 2022 the average salary for American workers was $54,000. In Canada, as of 2019, members of parliament received a base salary of $178,000 per year. While the average total Canadian household income in 2019 was $70,000. And of course, these government base salaries don’t include added perks such as healthcare, pensions, travel expenses, or food.
The economic separation achieved by the ruling elites has also brought with it degrees of cultural separation and resentment. The notion of cultural separation is a bit trickier to describe than the straightforward facts of income and wealth. Yet in a very reductive sense, it means that the ruling class has more in common with each other than they do with members of the middle class on down. While this seems to be an obvious observation, it is important for two reasons. First, because the cultural commonality among the ruling class is apparent regardless of political ideology. This means that the political elite, regardless of their political leanings, find themselves united in their disconnect from the lives of the citizens they are supposed to represent. And secondly, this ruling class cultural separation is important because it represents something that wasn’t always the case.
In the United States at least, there was a time when the cultural chasm between the ruling class and the rest of society was not as wide as it is today. Before the financial deregulation of the 1980’s and 1990’s, the ‘financial industry’ was more of a service industry than a high flying vehicle of unfettered capitalism. Sure you could make a nice living, but not the hedge fund, ‘professional sports team buying’ nice living. There was a time when major media wasn’t a place that mimicked the world of glamor and entertainment. Rather it was a profession that sought to hold the powerful accountable, instead of trying to join them at the table. And there was a time when politicians, despite wealth and status, still had cultural connections to the average citizen. This is not to say there was no cultural separation in years past. It is simply to say that the divide was much less before the time of liquid modernity.
Much of the populist fervor in our current times is fueled in part by bitter resentment towards the ruling class. Political movements and candidates on both sides of the aisle in the United States have sought to channel this resentment towards their political ends. During the 2016 US Presidential campaign, Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, and then candidate Donald Trump appealed to many of the same voters. This would seem counterintuitive as Sanders’ ideas trended towards left wing socialism; while Trump’s entire mode of being channeled right wing fascism. Yet to a certain American voter, they both appealed to the same thing: resentment towards the ‘elite’ who have screwed over the average citizen, year after year, decade after decade. It didn’t matter whether the prescriptions for the resentment were politically far left or right. The only thing that mattered was whether a political leader was seen as authentically acknowledging the resentment that existed, and promising actions to remedy it.
In the winter of 2022, this resentment towards the ruling class became apparent beyond the borders of the United States. The eyes of the world became fixated on Ottawa, Ontario as truck drivers and protestors descended upon, and occupied Canada’s capital city. The general message about what motivated the uprising was ‘covid vaccine mandates’. Though the notion of vaccine mandates had become a bit of a right wing strawman, they were indeed a real issue for truck drivers crossing the Canadian border with the United States. Yet it became clear as the occupation wore on, that the common thread among the cast of capitol squatters was resentment. Resentment that was embodied by the current Prime Minister of Canada, Justin Trudeau. The ‘Fuck Trudeau’ flags and signs that were on display were not signifiers of a crowd that was hungry, poor, or oppressed. They were signifiers of anger towards a Prime Minister who had become the perceived embodiment of a political and cultural elite who were out of touch, gilded, and corrupt.
While the ‘rebellion’ in Ottawa didn’t really accomplish anything, it illustrated the problem with anger fueled protests towards an out of touch ruling class. Fueled by emotion rather than rational demands, they become catch-all bins for extreme actors and trend towards violence. Rather than sober, steady movements for a certain measure of economic fairness, the tribal instincts of ‘the mob’ define the contours of the movement. Like an individual captured by jealous rage, ‘anger fulfillment’ becomes the only motivating factor. Yet there is an interesting paradox contained within the mob’s desire for a pound of ruling class flesh. While their actions lead to pain and suffering, the first cause or impetus for their actions is authentic in its malign nature. That is to say, an economically oppressive ruling class deserves to be opposed, but it very often breeds mob opposition by its very nature. Basically, this means that one of the nasty, inherent byproducts of economic inequality and cultural separation is eventual populist, mob anger. Wholesale, national revolution where a government is overthrown is the extreme example of this. The violence and suffering that comes with violent revolution can be seen as justified if it is in response to a truly oppressive authoritarian government, or ruling class. Yet it represents a painful and uncertain outcome that might have been avoided if some kind of basic economic fairness had been maintained throughout the society.
In the United States we have seen the toxic brew of an out of touch ruling class, economic inequality, and resentment help open the door for ‘Trumpism’. Trumpism meaning the authoritarian, conspiracy fueled, cult of personality surrounding former president Donald Trump. Yet in another corrosive paradox, the same toxic brew that helped usher in Trumpism can lead to apathy among the citizenry in recognizing its existential threat. When Democratic Party leaders rightfully warn about the dangers Trumpism poses towards American democracy, oftentimes their pleas fall on deaf ears. For as members of the disconnected ruling class, their appeals to ‘save the nation’ can sound naive and hollow. Almost as if they were those of a distant relative who calls out of nowhere needing help - but for a situation they brought upon themselves.
Sadly, there is no greater example of this ruling class, ‘sound the alarm for democracy’ disconnect than former US President Barack Obama. If you are reading this and not captured by ideological fervor; you probably have a measure of respect for the former president. You recognize he is a smart, good man, who does want what is best for the United States, and the world. Yet if you are objective, you would also agree that along with Obama’s rise to the presidency, he rose to the center of the ruling class. Obama had barely finished paying off his college student loans before he was elected to the Senate in 2005. But through book deals, Netflix production deals, and corporate speaking fees; Obama’s post presidency saw him completely removed from any connection to the average working American. Now a multi millionaire, Obama has more in common with a conservative member of the elite than he does with an average shift worker grinding away at an Amazon warehouse. Remember, through cultural and economic separation, the ruling class has more in common with each other than they do with the rest of society.
In hindsight, Obama’s 2008 presidential campaign could probably be described as ‘good populism’. The 2008 financial crisis had left voters angry and confused. Yet much like New York Senator Robert F. Kennedy in 1968, Obama sought to channel national dismay into a campaign based on positivity, hope, and change. Obama appealed to the ‘better angels’ of humanity. Common themes of his political philosophy were ‘yes we can’, and ‘out of many, we are one’. He sought to unite the country and bring measures of economic fairness through cooperation and good faith. He sought to cool the anger and tribal impulses of the populace by the elevation of reason and rhetoric. His first inauguration was one of the last relatively bi-partisan, multi-class ‘good’ moments the United States will probably have for a long time. If you ever want a shock to the system, watch the video of Obama’s first swearing in, take notice of the atmosphere, and contrast it to our current reality.
Yet despite the hopeful promise of Obama’s presidency, the ultimate trajectory of its place in American life was cemented early on. Immediately after his election in 2008, Obama was faced with handling the catastrophic fallout from the recent financial crisis. A crisis that was brought on by the greed and fraud of the financial members of the ruling class on Wall Street. Billions of dollars in bailouts had to be handed out by the government to financial giants like American International Group (AIG), Bank of America, and Citigroup. This meant that the US government was essentially saving the perpetrators of the financial crime because they were ‘too big to fail’. The financial ruling class had gambled and lost, but their entanglement with the US and world economy insured they would still win. Meanwhile, the average American worker was condemned to lose, through no fault of their own.
Despite all this, Obama still had a chance to bring about fundamental change. Though the Wall Street elite had been saved financially, they were brought to their proverbial ‘knees’ so to speak. They were in no position to oppose drastic government action to tilt the economic playing field back towards the middle class on down. As reported by the Frontline PBS news series, then president-elect Obama’s choice in who he wanted to manage the financial crisis would be an early signifier of how he wanted to deal with the matter. Was he looking to maintain the status quo of the ruling class? Or was he looking to weaponize his recent campaign of ‘good populism’ and seek to drastically alter the economic structure of the country? Obama’s choice seemingly came down to two individuals. Former Chairman of the Federal Reserve Paul Volcker, who was heavily in favor of tough regulation of the financial industry. And then President of the New York Federal Reserve Tim Geithner, who saw the financial system as something to be protected, rather than reformed and rebuilt. As his administration took power, Obama chose Geithner to be his Treasury Secretary, and also brought in former President Bill Clinton’s Treasury Secretary, Larry Summers as his chief economic advisor. Ironically, Summers had recently made millions from a Wall Street hedge fund, and substantial income from speaking engagements with financial institutions.
Yet despite his insider, ruling class status, Summers moved towards the position that some of the too big to fail banks needed to be broken up and restructured. He wanted to create a precedent that illustrated accountability. That even if you are ‘too big to fail’; if you gamble and lose, you don’t get to survive - you cease to exist without taking the rest of the country down with you. However, Tim Geithner did not agree with Summers’ proposal. As mentioned before, Geithner was intent on preserving the status quo, rather than ushering in great change. President Obama held a six hour meeting where Summers and others interrogated Geithner’s plan to ‘go easy’ on the financial institutions that had caused the economic collapse. Obama listened, and without telegraphing his final decision, he summoned the leaders of the major financial institutions to the White House two weeks later.
According to Frontline, as the bankers entered the meeting, they ‘feared they would have to accept dramatic reforms’. Maybe a ban on ‘too big to fail’, or a ‘limit on executive compensation’. And maybe even a requirement they ‘refinance mortgages for underwater homeowners’. The power dynamics of this moment were completely in favor of populist reform. The financial titans of the ruling class were laid low as they came to meet a popular new president amid burning resentment, and anger in the populace. Speaking of the meeting later, former Bank of America leader Ken Lewis stated that Obama had an early message for him and his fellow bank executives. Obama told the bank CEOs that his administration was the only thing standing between them and ‘the pitchforks’. Yet after that initial warning, Obama sought to moderate the discussion, steering it away from confrontation. He spoke of the situation surrounding the banks as a ‘public relations’, or a ‘political problem’. It became apparent that Obama was choosing the ‘Geithner’ path over the ‘Summers’ path. He was choosing caution and the status quo over turbulent, yet necessary reformation. He was choosing a path that helped lead the United States to the place it is today. A place where the ruling class is so separated from the rest of society, that American democracy itself has shown signs of faltering.
As described in A.C. Grayling’s ‘The History of Philosophy’, the ancient Greek philosopher Plato once contemplated which forms of government (or societal structure) were ideal, and which were not. He saw ‘aristocracy’ as the highest or best form of government, while tyranny was defined as the worst. Aristocracy in Plato’s thinking meant rule by virtuous, wise, and knowledgeable individuals. In this situation, the virtues of the ruling class would guide them towards putting their own interests aside, and acting in the best interests of the entire populace. Basically, this ‘virtuous aristocracy’ would be enlightened enough to control their hedonistic appetites, and not take advantage of their powerful position. Between the two extremes of aristocracy and tyranny, Plato saw various other forms of government; each one becoming worse than the other.
One step down from aristocracy was ‘timocracy’. Timocracy in Plato’s mind meant rule not by those with virtue, but by those seeking notoriety, glory, and conquest. The appetite for these ‘false virtues’ would lead those in power astray, and oriented towards self interest. This orientation would bring about wealth seeking, status seeking, rivalry, and conflict. Thus timocracy would quickly descend into oligarchy. Oligarchy in this sense meaning minority rule by a small, rich elite, over the rest of the population. For as those at the top of the timocracy accumulated wealth through their desire for status and conquest; hedonism would be unleashed. Pleasure, luxury, indulgence, and power would become the virtues of a new, wealthy, oligarchic class. This would result in a ruling elite who were decadent and out of touch with the majority of the populace.
For Plato, the final stop before tyranny was ‘democracy’. Democracy in Plato’s thinking meant the populist uprising and destruction of the oligarchic class. Motivated by envy and resentment, the citizenry would take power through violence and discord. Yet with no real ability to govern, the populist uprising would descend into anarchy. As anarchy took hold, the citizenry would turn towards a strongman to rise and restore order. As the strongman seized control, the citizenry would feel relief at first. Yet slowly the citizenry would begin to realize they had descended into the worst form of government: the final tyrannical rung on Plato’s governmental ladder.
If we were to compare our current times to Plato’s descriptions, it would seem the United States is in the late stages of oligarchy, flirting with a descent towards ‘democracy’. An out of touch, wealthy elite has spurred populist challenges from the political left and political right. As a consequence, spasms of anarchy and creeping authoritarianism shake the democratic, Constitutional order. As of this writing, Trumpism has faced broad electoral defeat in the 2022 midterm elections. Yet the center, and engine of Trumpism, Donald Trump himself, seems poised to launch another bid for the presidency. Trump, by design or nature, seeks to create the ‘anarchy’ Plato conceived of in order to establish himself as the authoritarian remedy. I believe he will ultimately fail, and finally exit the US political scene in some form or another. Yet the economic and cultural separation in the nation that allowed his rise will remain. Which means the door will remain open for the next populist demagogue. And most likely, the next one will be a bit more intelligent and capable of manifesting their bad intentions than the flawed, orange-faced, con man from Queens, New York.